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Based on similarities in traits, behaviours and attributes, the FBI (Douglas et al. 1992) and National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (Sapp et al. n.d.) have developed offender profiles for specific arson motives. No single offender is likely to display all of these characteristics, but it is likely that many of the attributes, traits and behaviours listed below will be present within bushfire arsonists lighting fires on the basis of these motives.

While revenge is a common motive in urban-structural arson, there is not the same specific target in bushfire arson. The focus of the offender's anger is more likely to be displaced from a specific person or institution towards society as a whole, or perhaps a particular community or group within it. For instance, a firesetter may start a fire as a way of attacking the policies or practices of a government land management agency. The following table includes a series of characteristics that were commonly observed by the National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC; Sapp et al.

Kenneth Fineman's (1995) dynamic-behavioural model presents a promising conceptual framework for improving understanding of why some people manifest firesetting behaviour. Fineman believed that a model should reflect not only the literature, but also the impressions and observations of those in clinical practice and the fire services.

The dynamic-behavioural model is based on the idea that firesetting comes about through the interaction of three factors:

• Youth Off The Streets - Juvenile fire setter intervention project: an alternative for magistrates

Bushfire arson is problematic across all states and territories of Australia. While the vast majority of deliberately lit fires are typically small, the cumulative impact on the community and environment is significant: adversely affecting the quality of lives of people within close proximity; potentially endangering property via ember attacks; wasting valuable firefighting resources; and drastically impacting on the health and biodiversity of remnant vegetation in or near urban areas which have not evolved to cope with the frequency of fires to which they are subjected.

It is estimated that between 25 and 50 percent of bushfires attended by fire authorities every year in Australia are the result of deliberate lightings (Davies 1997; Weber 1999; Willis 2004). Although the total area burned by deliberate lightings is commonly less than for fires started by lightning (Kapardis, Rawson & Antonopoulos 1983) and, as noted in last month's bulletin, many are not intended to cause harm, the cumulative effect of such firesetting activities is significant for both the community and the environment.

The relationship between fire and biota in Australian ecosystems is complex. Fire plays an integral role in the rejuvenation and hence survival of many species; variably acting to clear land, and promote germination, palatable new growth, more widespread foraging by herbivorous fauna, and potentially more efficient hunting by carnivorous species. Fire acts as a mediator in what are continually evolving ecosystems, being both a destroyer and bringer of new life.

The psychological impact of bushfire arson on victims, firefighters and the community has received little attention. Studies in parallel fields however, demonstrate that perceptions of the cause of a fire impact both on the perceived cost of, and our ability to recover from the event.

The following new titles have been added to the growing collection of arson-related literature that can be found in the searchable bibliographic database. In addition to these titles, the database provides access to major bushfire arson news articles.

It has been argued that bed wetting (enuresis), firesetting and cruelty to animals are predictive of violence in later life. The three behaviours are commonly referred to as the MacDonald triad. Evidence for the triad's predictive power is not robust however, with most support drawn from limited clinical samples. An early study by Hellman and Blackman (1966) found support for the association, with 23 of 31 aggressive patients in a psychiatric treatment centre having a history of all three components (compared with seven of the 53 non-aggressive patients).

Bushfire investigation is a complex procedure, primarily requiring cooperation between police and fire agencies. In Australia, fire agencies and police have separate and complementary roles in the investigation process. The initial decision as to whether a bushfire is investigated as arson rests with the firefighters who attend the fire. In most large urban centres, such decisions are made by paid firefighters, whereas in rural areas the decisions often rest with volunteers. Land management agencies in some relatively minor instances conduct their own investigations and mount prosecutions.

As part of its Bushfire Arson Project, the AIC recently conducted a national survey of arson prevention and intervention programs in operation throughout Australia. Survey responses were received for nine intervention programs operating in eight jurisdictions (see Table 1). Information on four more general fire education programs was also received, but they are not discussed here.

The probability that bushfires (all vegetation fires irrespective of size) will occur on high to very high or extreme bushfire weather days is affected by both climatic conditions and human action:

Natural bushfires are governed by the forces of nature: although lightning strikes potentially at any time of the day, most natural fires occur from midday to 6 pm, coincident with the hot conditions conducive to thunderstorm activity. In contrast the timing of human-caused bushfires largely reflects the activities and movements of people within their local environment, be that the day-to-day activities of work, school, shopping etc, or personal and social activities that take place after hours.

There has been little information in the public domain to date about sentences handed down for arson. The Victorian Sentencing Advisory Council recently released data on 276 adults sentenced for the crime of arson between 2001-02 and 2005-06 in the County and Supreme Courts, showing that more than 99 percent of such cases were heard in these courts. While there is no indication whether the arsons involved bushfires, the data do provide information on the number of convicted arsonists who received a custodial sentence.

Sentencing outcomes, adults, Victoria [see attached PDF]